Lesotho

Lesotho has not participated in any UN peacekeeping operation. The Kingdom of Lesotho is made up mostly of highlands where many of the villages can be reached only on horseback, by foot or light aircraft (BBC 2006ac, par.1). Also, the former British protectorate has had a turbulent, if not particularly bloody, period of independence with several parties, army factions and the royal family competing for power in coups and mutinies (Ibid., par. 7). And the worst part, Lesotho has one of the world's highest rates of HIV-AIDS infection (Ibid., par. 8). These circumstances have pushed its internal political environment to focus on other issues other than peacekeeping; it has also affected negatively the military capacity of its defence forces.

Initial variables of the data collection process:

UN/UN peacekeeping policy reform
No record.

Perception of peacekeeping
No record.

Domestic political environment
Lesotho is a constitutional monarchy in which democracy has gradually stabilized after a tumultuous recent history (EIU 2006y, 3). Democracy was restored to the country in 1993 after it had been under military leadership from 1986 (Ibid.).

In the legislative election in May 1998, the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) won all but one of the seats contested. These results were challenged and a regional intervention force was eventually needed to quell a popular protest. Agreement on a new electoral data collection process, which includes an element of proportional representation, was finally secured in 2001. A new election was held in May 2002, at which the LCD easily retained its parliamentary majority, winning all but one of the constituency seats. In the wake of the inaugural local elections in April 2005, in which the LCD was again the dominant performer, political activity in Lesotho has been in something of a lull. (Ibid.)

The ruling LCD is expected to win the parliamentary election, scheduled for May 2007, and to maintain its dominance throughout 2008, under the leadership of Pakalitha Mosisili, the prime minister (EIU 2006bv, 1). Nevertheless, participating in UN peacekeeping is not in the agenda. With no significant opposition challenge, the government will be able to ignore pressure for more populist policies and continue to pursue its broadly technocratic approach to economic policy (Ibid.). It is possible that in the future, the Lesotho government could consider providing employment to its citizens are peacekeepers, perhaps with South Africa.

Personality is more important than policies (EIU 2006y, 8). Domestic politics is largely personality-based, and it is for this reason, rather than disputes over policy, that each of the main parties has been subject to leadership challenges and severe internal divisions (Ibid.).

Domestic economic environment

Lesotho is one of the world's poorest countries, and although GDP per head has increased in recent years, this has been because of the appreciation of the rand against the US dollar, rather than a decline in poverty (Ibid., 16). The country remains heavily dependent on remittances from migrants working in South African mines (Ibid.).

Military affairs
Historically, the Lesotho Defence Force (LDF) has been heavily involved in domestic politics and has also been prone to factional infighting (Ibid., 8). Efforts to increase troops’ professionalism and remove unsuitable elements have had some success, but the risk remains that the LDF could be a source of future instability (Ibid.). Also, if Lesotho is considering on providing troops, its troops could not have a positive perception.

Lesotho has a small standing army of about 2,000 regular troops, the LDF (Ibid., 11). The army has traditionally played an important role in government and assumed power between 1986 and 1993 (Ibid.). Junior officers were also closely involved in the political unrest during late 1998 and 50 were court-martialled on charges of mutiny (Ibid.). This will hurt when DPKO assesses the possibility of Lesotho’s potential to participate in UN peace operations.

Foreign policy
Lesotho's external relations are dominated by its economic and geographic dependence on South Africa (its “big brother”), which completely encircles the country (Ibid., 10).

Income from migrant mining workers in South Africa still accounts for a large share of GNP, and over 85% of imports originate in South Africa. This economic interdependence has increased in recent years, as the massive Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP), the cost of which surpasses Lesotho's GDP, has come on stream. The LHWP provides water to the central Gauteng area of South Africa, and its ongoing viability depends on the continuation of strong ties between the two countries. (Ibid.)

Political relations between the two countries have been troubled, but they improved markedly after the 1986 military coup (Ibid., 11). Diplomatic ties were officially established in 1992 and relations have grown closer since the end of the apartheid government in South Africa (Ibid.). South Africa maintains a vested interest in supporting social development in Lesotho, recognizing that recurring instability could spread over the border (Ibid.).

Lesotho has established diplomatic relations with over 70 countries and is an active member of Southern African Development Community (SADC). Lesotho has been a signatory of all the Lomé (now Cotonou) conventions between the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. Nevertheless, peacekeeping is not part of its agenda. Lesotho's limited role in world affairs was highlighted by the decision of the UK government to close its High Commission in Maseru in July 2005. (Ibid.)

Additional variables found after the preliminary analysis:

Climate changes
No record.

Independent negotiations taken by DPKO to seek troops
No record.

Independent negotiations taken by contributor countries to engage non-contributor countries
No record.

Meetings organized by other international organizations to engage in dialogue about peacekeeping
No record.